Researching Impeded Markets: An Application, Adaptation and Expansion of the Grounded Theory Approach
ma
yamona
|
Ma Yamona Doctoral Student School of Management Curtin Business School, Curtin University of Technology GPO Box U1987, Perth, Western Australia E-mail: theinv@cbs.curtin.edu.au Tel: +618 9266 4450; Fax: +618 9266 7694. Paper presented at Association for Qualitative Research Conference Issues of Rigour in Qualitative Research 6-10 July 1999 The Duxton Hotel Melbourne, Australia |
Table of Contents
Why GT approach was chosen for the
study?
The process of grounded theory building
Phase 1: Preliminary conceptual
framework
Phase 4: Preliminary
Fieldtrip to Myanmar
Phase 5: Bounding the Territory:
Defining the case
Phase 6: Bounding the territory:
Sampling
Phase 7: Computer use and data
management
Phase 8: Agreements with study
participants
Phase 9: Data Collection Phase
Phase 12: Literature Comparison
Phase
Researching Impeded Markets: An Application, Adaptation and Expansion of the Grounded Theory Approach
Abstract
This paper outlines the Grounded Theory (GT)
approach used in a doctoral thesis on business and brand development strategies
employed by foreign brand businesses in emerging impeded markets. Additionally, it aims to show the usefulness
of the GT approach in researching emerging impeded markets, using the Myanmar
market as a case study. The GT approach has been chosen because: it is
premature for theory testing given the paucity of research regarding the
specific area of the study; secondly, the market in question is highly complex;
and thirdly; this approach enables the researcher to understand the 'lived
experience' of people in the case study. The process of the inquiry comprises
five phases: research design, data collection, data ordering, data analysis and
literature comparison (see Pandit, 1996). A topic list designed to
facilitate a dialogue with the participants has been adapted from a strategic
planning process model developed by Reid (1989), influenced by Abell and
Hammond (1979). The study has several novel aspects. The researcher approached
the field of study prior to the derivation of a conceptual framework so as to
develop a contextual basis to allow for the study to focus on what is relevant
to the participants in the particular local context. This approach also
facilitated the development of a database of companies willing to participate,
which otherwise would not have been possible.
The strategy of 'theoretically sampling' the participants was helped by
snowball sampling and leveraging contacts through professional and social
networks. The data was content-analysed using NUD*IST and the emergent theory
compared with the existing literature to answer an important academic question
of "can the existing literature explain foreign participation in impeded
markets such as Myanmar?"
The main aim of the paper is to present and
discuss a particular methodology selected and adapted in order to answer the
research question of the study. The
paper begins by discussing and defining the question of 'Impeded markets' with
reference to the Myanmar market in particular.
This is followed by a discussion of the difficulties involved in
conducting research in impeded markets.
Next, the discussion of research design begins by identifying the chosen
ontology, epistemology and methodology before turning to the usefulness and
appropriateness of the grounded theory approach for the particular study. The process of developing grounded theory
from the collected data is designed to meet the
particular demands and objectives of the study. The process undertaken is eclectic and largely influenced by
first, Miles and Humberman's (1994) approach to Focusing and Bounding the
Collection of Qualitative data and second, the process of Building Grounded
Theory outlined by Pandit (1996). There
are twelve phases which constitute the theory building process.
International perceptions of Myanmar
(formerly known as Burma) are dominated by that nation’s controversial politics
and its notoriety as a major opium producer. Because of the ‘unfavourable’
impression the international community holds of Myanmar, it has been a major
challenge for foreign businesses to operate in the country without attracting
criticism. Questions have arisen as to whether or not it is ethical for foreign
businesses (especially trans-national corporations) to operate in Myanmar and
to deal with its repressive military government, a regime which has been
condemned by the international ‘community’ (especially by institutions and
governments from the West) for human rights abuses and an alleged involvement
in the global drug trade. As a result, the decision to engage, or not to
engage, with repressive regimes such as the government of Myanmar have complex
ethical dimensions. The complexity of these ethical
dilemmas has been evident in the diverging responses of international state
actors. The US and the European Union (EU), have, to some extent, adopted a
policy of “isolation” in regard to Myanmar, while other governments and
business communities, many of them located within Asia, have suggested an
alternate ‘constructive’ institutional and economic engagement with Myanmar (Anonymous 1996).
Undoubtedly, the Association of South East
Asian Nations (ASEAN) is the most influential voice in international affairs to
have argued strongly for a policy of ‘constructive engagement’ with Myanmar. ASEAN admitted Myanmar as a member in 1997 despite the
policy of “isolation” adopted by the US government and the EU (Masaki 1997). As a result, there has been a widening gap between
Asian and Western governments on the Myanmar ‘issue.’ To an unusual extent,
these apparent political and international ‘externalities’ are crucial, indeed
unavoidable, factors in terms of the operation and entry of international
businesses in an already challenging ‘transitional’ economy such as Myanmar.
Although Myanmar
remains an international political pariah, there have been some indications
that change is possible —at least in terms of economics. There are signs of rekindling business
awareness, including the re-establishment of seemingly forgotten brand
preferences and the creation of new ones.
The study will focus on this aspect of the re-introduction of old
foreign consumer brands and introduction of new ones to the Myanmar market.
Although the Myanmar economy is not an example
of government-led industrialisation, it is a case of industrialisation
proceeding according to governmental rules.
It is all the more noteworthy, therefore, that so much business activity
takes place beyond the bounds of the normal legal regime. This does not merely involve smuggling,
although this activity is economically significant. It also includes the marketing of goods and services from
countries that are obligated not to do business in Myanmar or, at least, do not
officially wish to acknowledge their presence there. The preliminary fieldwork study reveals that a great deal of business
activity takes place in an atmosphere which is in some ways closer to the
“black” market than the legitimate market.
Consequently, the business strategies adopted by these companies in this
situation are radically modified and do not comply with standard practice. Nonetheless, irrespective of how the brands
are brought into the country and who is responsible, many of the leading
consumer goods brands are well represented in the retailing trade of the major
towns in Myanmar. Unravelling this
intriguing situation is the thrust of the study.
Conducting research
in countries such as Myanmar is not only difficult, but unique, due to a
particularly complex political and economic situation. Several issues arose from undertaking
research, especially data collection, in a
country ruled by an autocratic, repressive regime.
Security and safeguarding
issues are paramount. In this respect,
merely conducting research under these circumstances is impeded. First of all, as (Morse, 1994) suggested, the researcher
has to gain the trust of the potential participants. In this case, many participants were those who did not wish to
let anyone outside Myanmar learn of their presence in Myanmar, and therefore,
they could be suspicious of the researcher's genuine intent. The researcher was likely to be thought of
as a potential spy. A few participants
revealed negative experiences with foreign journalists under the guise of
'academic' research. To gain trust and win cooperation, connections were leveraged and interviewees were
guaranteed anonymity.
Thus, it was vital that the researcher
brought along supporting documents from the thesis committee. The participants were promised anonymity and
confidentiality. The audiotapes and transcripts were equally safeguarded and
archived for the required period of time.
To remain on the issue of trust, some of the respondents were reluctant
to reveal commercially and politically sensitive data as well as their true opinion of the ruling body. One way to overcome this is crosschecking
with other sources of data.
Nonetheless, these shortcomings were acknowledged in the study.
A qualitative
methodology was chosen for the study. A
qualitative methodology emphasises "processes and meanings that are not
rigorously examined, or measured (if measured at all), in terms of quantity,
amount, intensity, or frequency." (Denzin and Lincoln, 1994). They
explain the nature of qualitative research as value-laden and emphasises
"how social experience is created and given meaning". The strategy chosen to investigate the issue
is the grounded theory approach since the study is interested in understanding
the social phenomenon and process.
The Grounded theory approach (GT) is a qualitative research approach
developed by Glaser and Strauss in 1967. The GT methodology develops theory that is
"grounded in data systematically gathered and analysed." (Glaser and Strauss, 1967).
The
purposes of GT, as identified by Burca and McLoughlin (1998) , are:
1. to
offer the rationale for theory that was grounded
2. to
suggest the logic for and specifics of grounded theories
3. to
legitimate qualitative research.
The
grounded theory methodology has been employed in organizational research by
some notable authors (Martin and Turner, 1986; Segev, 1988; Adler et al. 1989; Sarros, 1992; Simon, 1993; Linstead,
1997). As
an example, there are two articles most closely aligned to this study. Firstly, Adler, Campbell and Laurent
(1989)'s experience in researching China revealed that
a western-based research instrument had a limited applicability to foreign
markets such as China. Thus, from their own experience, they recommended the
use of emergent methodologies worthy of an inquiry into places profoundly
different in terms of culture, politics and economics. One other similar study is that of Dougherty
(1990) who developed empirically grounded theory of
why understanding new markets is difficult for innovators in large firms.
The three primary reasons why the GT approach was used in the study.
Firstly, the study's area of interest is not only complex but also
non-transparent. This is because: 1.
Much of the business activities take place beyond the bounds of the legal
restrictions of the regime (eg, border trade, repatriation of the profit,
payment for exported goods and so on), 2. The mode of presence in the country
by foreign businesses is complicated and at times obscure, 3. Foreign
businesses exhibit differing motivations and aspirations (or lack of them) for
the Myanmar market. Secondly, hypothesis testing is highly premature for this
type of study as the field of study is relatively new and thus there is little
theory to postulate hypotheses. While
there are a limited number of similar research studies conducted into
multinational corporations' behaviour in impeded markets (eg Vietnam, South
Africa, Cuba, Iran etc.), few academic researchers have taken an interest in
Myanmar, especially in the area of foreign consumer brand development. Thus, the study has to be exploratory in
nature and aims to contribute to a better understanding of this somewhat
neglected area of inquiry. Thirdly, this quality of the GT approach meets the demands of the study
because the study investigates the process of building a foreign brand-based
business in the Myanmar context. In other words, it was the participants'
experiences and meanings regarding what it was like managing and marketing
foreign consumer brands in the Myanmar market that the researcher aims to
understand.
The next section discusses the process of grounded theory building
designed to meet the particular demands and objectives of the study. The process undertaken is eclectic and
largely influenced by first, Miles and Humberman (1994)’s approach to Focusing
and Bounding the Collection of Qualitative data and second, the process of
Building Grounded Theory outlined by Pandit (1996).
According
to Miles and Huberman (1994), a conceptual framework:
…explains, either graphically or in narrative form, the main things to be studied--the key factors, constructs or variables--and the presumed relationships among them. Frameworks can be rudimentary or elaborate, theory-driven or commonsensical, descriptive or causal.
Figure
(1) graphically displays the study's initial conceptual framework, which is
loosely framed, but it is designed to evolve and gradually develop into a more
specific framework.
Ethical Dilemmas. There
are two opposing views relating to foreign businesses operating in an embargoed
country like Myanmar. Robbins et al
(2000) highlighted two alternative views-- the 'classical view' where
management’s only social responsibility was to maximize profits, and the
'socioeconomic view', where social responsibility went well beyond the making
of profits to include protecting and improving society’s welfare. Internationally, Myanmar was considered to
be a political ‘pariah’, and foreign businesses operating in Myanmar were being
cautioned by some shareholders to be more sensitive to human rights issues
surrounding the Myanmar regime. In this regard, some shareholders wanted
businesses to be more transparent about their dealings with the country
(Anonymous, 1996b). Adding complexity
to this situation, businesses were required to comply with Myanmar government
policy and regulation, and foreign businesses often need the Myanmar
government’s patronage and assistance in setting up businesses in a particular
social and economic context.
Consumer Boycotts. Some of the companies doing business in
Myanmar were under direct threat (or have the perception of “threat”) of
consumer boycott in other “home” countries due to the intervention and activism
of international and national human rights organisations. Perhaps the most
publicised case of disinvestment was that of Pepsi's withdrawal from Myanmar.
In 1997, Pepsi Co. responded to vigorous protests made by college students on
campuses in the US by pulling out of Myanmar (Anonymous
1997). Similarly, Carlsberg, the Danish beer company, was
reported to have cancelled plans to build a joint-venture brewery (Fairclough 1996). Around the same time, another European beer company,
Heineken, also left Myanmar (Humphreys
1996). Other major US retail/consumer goods companies such
as Liz Claiborne, Macy's, Reebok, Eddie Bauer, Levi Strauss, J. Crew, and Apple
Computers, soon followed suit by pulling out of Myanmar (Anonymous 1995) (Schermerhorn
1997).
Home
Country Policies. In response to
sustained pressure by various human rights and pro-democracy campaigners, the
Clinton Administration imposed sanctions against Myanmar on April 22, 1997 (Finch 1997). In addition, the ‘selective purchasing’ law was
proposed by the US State of Massachusetts in the late 1990s, which banned the
State of Massachusetts from doing business with companies that were also
conducting business in Myanmar. One county and eighteen cities followed suit
and issued their own selective-purchasing laws to boycott all companies operating
in Myanmar (Carvajal 1998). According to Than (1999, p220) the US business
community held concerns about these restrictions, which in their view, were
unlikely to impact upon the Myanmar regime, but more likely to penalise the
Myanmar people.
Host Country Policies. Than
(1999) provided an overview of Myanmar’s government’ trade policies as follows.
Order No. 5/98 issued by The Ministry of Commerce in Myanmar stipulated a
ban of imports of a list of items which were considered non-essential or luxury
goods. Further restrictions were imposed on border trade via China, Thailand,
India and Bangladesh. These restrictions saw a decline in both normal trade and
a border trade towards the end of 1998.
Given the conflicting expectations and obligations
imposed on the businesses (especially from Western governments) discussed
above, US and EU companies have opted for business entry and development
strategies which do not require their direct involvement or which have not
revealed direct links to the brand owners. The focus
of this study was the operational level entry and development strategies of
international businesses in Myanmar.
Miles
and Huberman (1994)'s approach to focusing and bounding the qualitative inquiry
entails that formulating research questions is a direct step from conceptual
framework and the research questions "operationalise the conceptual
framework". While formulating
research question(s), the researcher is beginning to make decisions regarding what
to focus and what not to focus and, sampling and instrumentation issues
including the potential participants, the setting, the context and so on.
The study's research question is:
How
do brand-based businesses develop their businesses and market their
international consumer brands in the Myanmar market in the face of the
uncertain political and peculiar economic problems facing the country?
Miles & Huberman (1994, p-36) define instrumentation as:
…comprises specific methods for collecting data: They may be focused on
qualitative or quantitatively organised information, and may be loosely to
tightly structured.
The researcher only used a list of open-ended questions in interviewing
the participants. The questions derived from the model developed by Reid (1989)
, influenced by Abell and Hammond (1979) , was used as an instrument to
assist in interviewing. However, the questions were "redesigned as new
questions, new sub-samples, and new lines of inquiry develop" (Miles and
Huberman, 1994, p-38).
Table (1) shows a list of topics used to guide the interviews:
Table 1
Extract from a list of topics used in the study
Review of experience in: Myanmar and Elsewhere
Major issues impacting on
foreign companies in Burma
Market developments foreseen
in the country
Behaviour of brand-owners and other middle men involved in
marketing the brand
Strengths and Weaknesses as
foreign provider
Questions not already asked
that you expected
Travelling to Myanmar at an early stage of the
study was necessary and purposeful. The
main reasons for the trip included: 1. The researcher first of all needed to
find out if it was at all possible to collect the data in Myanmar and, if it
was, how to go about it; 2. Prior to the real
data collection task, the researcher also needed to establish contacts and
networks as fieldwork success eminently depended on introductions and leads; 3.
Given the paucity of information in the area, the researcher was unsure about
exactly, "who were the most relevant people to target?" until the
researcher gained some experience in the field; 4. Because of the complexity
and the opaqueness involved with international brand owners' dealings with
Myanmar, a clear picture concerning what is to be investigated can only emerge
by gathering some observations and after several interviews were conducted.
According to
Miles and Humberman (1994), a case is the unit of analysis. They graphically
show “a case” as "a focus, or heart of
the study, and a somewhat indeterminate boundary defines the edge of the case:
what will not be studied." While the researcher should begin the fieldwork
with the most relevant case or cases, he or she is also advised to go outward
from the centre in order to involve the cases which are not directly relevant,
which Miles & Huberman (1994, p-34) call the peripheries.
The case for the
study was more specifically defined after the initial fieldwork. Figure (2) shows in graphic form the study's
heart and its boundaries:
Figure 2: the
case and the boundary in the study

As
shown in Figure (2), the heart of the study is the distributor of foreign
consumer brands. This is because in the
majority of the cases, owing to the absence of brand owners in the country, the
brands are represented by the distributors, and the distributors are often the
ones who have most dealings with the brand owners abroad. In addition, the
distributors often perform the task of importing the goods into Myanmar and
retailing in the country. Not all
distributors are foreign; some are local.
The study purposely selected
not only the sole or appointed dealers/distributors of foreign consumer brands
but also the obscure ones who did not
necessarily deal directly or even indirectly with the brand-owners. Similarly, it also included both exclusive
single brand distributors as well as distribution giants handling multiple
brands. The sample was chosen to include significant
proportions of brands of Asian, European and US origins.
There are two
main reasons for the broad centre,
represented by the star in Figure 2.
First, due to Myanmar's relative newness as a site of foreign activity
and inherent risk factors in dealing with the country, many brand-owners are
not yet 'fully' participating in the country in the more conventional way
experienced in established markets.
Thus, there are few sole or officially appointed
dealers/distributors. Secondly, the
pilot fieldwork study shows that the majority of brand dealers/distributors are
not official in the sense that their
relationship with the brand-owners is opaque.
For these reasons, at the early stage of data collection, the scope for
sampling was kept broad.
After
defining the most relevant cases (the centre of the study), the study also
concerns itself with two layers of peripherals. The first layer involves importers, retailers
and supermarkets and the second layer, involves advertising agencies, market
research houses, area experts, relevant regulatory bodies and even some large
local brand manufacturers and retailers.
Sampling
in qualitative research is deliberate, instead of at random (Kuzel, 1992; Morse, 1989; Morse, 1989).
Further, Miles and Huberman (1994, p-27) explain that sampling in
qualitative research is "conceptually-driven sequential
sampling". By this, they mean that
the sample is not predefined beforehand, but it is gradually developed as the
fieldwork progresses. For example,
early informants guide the researcher to other comparable or contrasting
cases.
Sampling is the next stage after the generation of a research question(s) and focusing and bounding the territory (Miles and Humberman, 1994, p-27). Data collection will be guided by the principles of 'theoretical sampling'. Theoretical sampling, as explained by Strauss & Corbin (1990, p. 192), is "sampling on the basis of concepts that have proven theoretical relevance to the evolving theory" and therefore, in a GT study, "unlike the sampling done in quantitative investigations, theoretical sampling cannot be planned before embarking on a grounded theory study. The specific sampling decisions evolve during the research process itself".
Accordingly, the
initial interviews will be analysed in order to identify emergent
concepts. As the fieldwork progresses,
informants will be sought in terms of who can provide further information on the
emerging concepts. This also avoids
collecting unnecessary data, and thus resources are conserved and allow the
researcher to maintain control rather than "drowning in data" (Morse, 1994).
In terms of
securing leads as well as introductions, snowball sampling and Maximum Variety
sampling will be used. In snowball
sampling, the sample is gathered through a chain referral (Bernard, 1994; Biernacki and Waldorf, 1981; Burt
and Ronchi, 1994; Rothbart, 1982; Sudman, 1986; Sudman, 1988). Maximum
variety sampling, as explained by Patton (1990) , entails deliberately selecting a heterogeneous sample
and looking for similarities and differences in their experiences. Two types of data are obtained using this
technique: firstly, information-rich case descriptions, which provides
uniqueness of each case; secondly, it enables the researcher to identify
similarities across participants (Morse, 1994).
The
transcripts will be content analysed using NUD*IST (Non-numerical Unstructured
Data* Indexing Searching and Theorizing) as an analytical tool, a computer
software program for qualitative data analysis (Richards and Richards, 1994).
NUD*IST supports analysing data according to the principles of grounded
theory (Bazeley, 1997; Crawford, 1997; Hart, 1997;
Prothero, 1996; Richards and Richards, 1991; Richmond, 1997).
Miles
and Huberman (1994, p-47-49) discuss this issue in terms of: 1. the nature and
extent of the informants' participation; 2. privacy and confidentiality of
their participation and the information dispensed; 3. availability of the
study's findings and final reports; and 4. Last but not least, what the
participants will (or will not) get out of the study. In this study, the participants were assured full anonymity and
confidentiality. In terms of the
demands upon their time required by the study, they were informed that, if
needed, the researcher might have to come back a second time to follow up on
certain issues. Almost all participants
agreed to grant a second interview. The participants were also informed that
the final findings of the study will be produced in a form of a doctoral
thesis.
Much of the activities in this phase, as
discussed before, is governed by the principle of theoretical sampling. Where
sources of data are concerned, the GT approach requires the use of multiple
data sources surrounding what is to be investigated. In the study, in addition
to interview data, the study used sources which included both official and
unofficial statistics, company publications, informal
meetings and conversations, observations, even a local gossip mill and so on.
However, the plan to conduct
focus groups with consumers from a wide ranging demographic backgrounds was
dashed due to the eruption of political disturbances which took place during
the fieldwork in August-September 1998.
A daily write-up
of a fieldwork journal is vital. Writing Contact Summary Sheets and Reflective
Notes, as suggested by Miles and Huberman (1994, p.-50-67), facilitated this
process.
The next step was
to analyse the data. As mentioned earlier, data collection and data analysis
are simultaneous and the grounded theorist move between the two processes. GT
data analysis method is dominated by the process of coding, which Strauss and Corbin (1990, p. 57) defines as:
The operations by
which data are broken down, conceptualised, and put back together in new ways.
It is the central process by which theories are built from data.
The data was analysed using
“open coding”. Strauss and Corbin (1999) define open coding as:
The process of
breaking down, examining, comparing, conceptualizing, and categorizing data
The procedure of open coding
involves:
-Labeling phenomena: this
involves placing descriptive or conceptual names to emerging issues or themes
in the data.
-Discovering categories:
this involves clustering similar concepts (developed in the first stage) so as
to reduce the number of concepts. Names
given to categories are more conceptual or theoretical than those of the
concepts developed in the first stage.
-Developing properties and
dimensions of categories: this process involves enriching a category by finding
intrinsic specifications (called properties)
relating to the category and uncovering the category's dimensions such as frequency, extent, intensity, duration and so
on.
NUD*IST in support of the grounded theory approach
NUD*IST
features the three coding process: "open coding" (identifies
categories, their properties and dimensions); "axial coding" (makes
connections between categories and sub-categories); and "selective
coding" (selects a core category and relates all other major categories
both to the core category and each other) (Strauss and Corbin, 1990). NUD*IST is a powerful tool in terms of asking
questions of the data, and uncovering relationships among the categories
because its features such as “matrix searches” and “vectors” allow the user to
explore, examine and test the emerging ideas (Bazeley, 1997).
Memo writing
Throughout this
process of theory development, there is one process a grounded theorist engages
in from the start to the end of the inquiry. It is none other than writing
memos. In doing so, the researcher goes into the mode of data analysis straight
from the beginning of the fieldwork. Memos record elaborations of, and
provisional linkages about, codes and categories. According to Glaser (1978,
p.83), memos are:
"the
theorising write‑up of ideas about codes and their relationships as they
strike the analyst while coding"
Glaser advocates
that, the moment the idea flashes in his or her mind, a researcher should
record them so that the ideas on the fly are captured. Glaser (1978) identified
the following benefits gained from writing memos in theory development:
1. It raises the
data to a conceptualisation level.
2. It develops the
properties of each category which begins to define it operationally.
3. It presents
hypotheses about connections between categories and/or properties.
4. It begins to
integrate these connections with cluster of other categories to generate the
theory.
5. Lastly, it begins
to locate the emerging theory with other theories with potentially more or less
relevance.
The next phase is
comparing the emerged theory with the existing literature to examine
similarities, variations, extensions, contradictions and differences.
Eisenhardt (1989, p. 545) states:
Overall, tying
the emergent theory to existing literature enhances the internal validity,
generalisability, and theoretical level of the theory building from case study
research because the findings often rest on a very limited number of cases.
True to the
nature of grounded theory studies, the findings guide the researcher as to
which literature to investigate for comparison. In the area of consumer brand
business development and marketing strategies, the three layers of literature
the study can compare with the emerged theories are as follows:
-
Firstly, comparison with the relevant core theories in business
development strategies in marketing and management literature will bring to the
fore how adequately these western-based theories explain or do not explain what
is happening in impeded markets.
- Secondly, comparison with other emerging markets, especially those in Indo-China, will be useful because it may emphasise similarities and differences between these countries.
- Thirdly, literature comparison can be undertaken at a specific level concerning politically troublesome (thus impeded) markets, for example, Vietnam during its sanctioned period.
Figure 3: Preliminary emergent
theory from the study

Figure (3)
graphically displays the study's preliminary and emergent findings. For foreign companies, positive factors
relating to operating in Myanmar include benefits such as cheap resources,
building/nurturing human resources, contacts and networks and maximising brand
building opportunity. On the other
hand, drawbacks derive from problematic areas such as the risk of consumer boycott,
pressure not to do business in Myanmar from the West, Dual exchange rate,
import restrictions and profit repatriation.
In Myanmar, a foreign consumer brand marketer faces a different kind of
competitor - namely, smugglers and border traders. The initial data analysis indicated several areas of major
business strategies to be further explored.
They are: the international corporations' pre and post entry strategies
(eg. Issues involving appointing dealers/distributors and also the nature of
the relationship between the brand-owner and the Myanmar office etc.),
strategies to handle internal legal, political and financial restrictions and
limitations (eg. Securing impossible-to-get import permits, getting the
supplies into the country and paying for the goods sold, repatriation of
profits, competing with border traders etc.), and, finally, marketing
strategies cleverly crafted to maximise the brand exposure in the country while
minimising the potential risk of being exposed overseas as a participant in the
Myanmar economy.
With respect to the GT
approach employed in the study, there are two issues I found which were of
varying usefulness in the study. First,
I found the principles of the GT approach (ie. approaching the study without a
priori hypotheses) to be more appropriate and useful in researching an emerging
and impeded market such as Myanmar than more conventional methodologies. I also found the process of theoretically
sampling the participants to be highly engaging and rewarding as the data
became richer. However, as to the
question of the usefulness of the GT data analysis method itself, my experience
was that it was extremely time-consuming and too demanding in terms of both the
researcher and the participants' time and resources. Thus, this purist
method of data analysis might not be too practical in terms of business
research. Finally, to turn to the question of researching my own birthplace,
the benefits, I think (or I hope), will far outweigh the drawbacks and
potential risks. I was immensely
thankful to my family and friends who went extraordinary lengths to make my
fieldwork a success. Likewise, I
gratefully acknowledge the generosity (and also the brave hearts) of the participants, without whom the study could
not have existed. Deservedly, many thanks also go to the listserve of the
on-line NUDIST forum.
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